Igbo Families Before and After the British Came

The post-state of war era in Nigeria and the resilience of Igbo communal system

Lawrence Okwuosa

¹Department of Religion and Cultural Studies, The Academy of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria

Chinyere T. Nwaoga

¹Department of Organized religion and Cultural Studies, The University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria

Favour Uroko

¹Section of Religion and Cultural Studies, The University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria

Received 2019 Jul 14; Accepted 2021 Jan 29.

Abstract

The Igbo people survived a civil state of war that raged betwixt 1967 and 1970 and that devastated their state and reduced their population considering of more than three million deaths. They were confronted with the challenges of get-go life afresh from scratch with almost cypher. Since then, they take allegedly been marginalised on a continuous basis by the Nigerian regime. This withal the people with their communal spirit, which saw them through the ceremonious war, accept connected to cement their survival resolve in the post-war era. The aim of this article was to report the Igbo communal system as the bedrock of Igbo progress, peculiarly in the by 50 years and recommends it as the basic principle of Igbo survival in Nigeria. It considers Igbo communal spirit as a veritable panacea against the contempo agitations for secession by the people as that would guarantee Igbo people an ample space to operate in Nigeria. The methodology used in this article is a qualitative phenomenological method. This was carried out by interviewing some members of Igbo society, observing and interpreting events in Igbo club and as documented in literatures. Information technology was found that Igbo people take really washed well for themselves despite the seeming marginalisation by sticking to their resilient spirit. This study concluded that instead of seeking for independence from Nigeria, the Igbo people need to be mindful of their resilient communal spirit and reinforce information technology in all spheres of life. This would brand them more than relevant in the country'southward affairs than they are currently.

Keywords: Igbo, Biafra war, communal arrangement, values, resilience

Introduction and background

On the 15th of January 1970, the Biafran War, also known every bit the Nigerian Civil War, which began on 6th of July 1967 between the government of Nigeria and the secessionist land of Biafra, came to an end, with the Igbo people being devastated. During that fourth dimension, the Nigerian government made attempts to rehabilitate the people and the region in what has been termed, 'the rhetoric of "No victor, No vanquished" and "Reconciliation, Reconstruction and Reintegration" (the 3Rs)' (Ibeanu, Orji & Iwuamadi 2016:16) without much impact. Fifty years later on the war, the people of Igboland nonetheless claim that they have not been fully integrated into the Nigerian order. They claim that they are systematically excluded from the affairs of the country, especially in government appointments, setting of infrastructures and in the sharing of the resource. The dissatisfaction amid the people of Igboland over the land of governance in Nigeria has renewed the agitations for self-decision and secession. This buttresses what Walter (2004) said virtually wars that inflict loftier costs on people that they could exacerbate animosity and create a strong desire for retribution even later the war ends. She, further, said that grievances and divisions associated with such wars may be then intense that they are unlikely to subside long after the wars.

This seems to be the state of affairs of Igbo people with regard to the Nigeria-Biafra War. Many Igbo people accept not forgotten their sufferings and have proffered different solutions to their alleged marginalisation. For mainstream Igbo cultural organisations such as Ohaneze-Ndi-Igbo, Aka Ikenga, Mkpoko Igbo, Eastern Mandate Union (EMU), Odenigbo Forum, South East Movement (SEM), Igbo National Assembly (INA), Ndi Igbo Liberation Forum, Igbo Salvation Forepart (ISF), Igbo Redemption Council (IRC), Igbo People's Congress (IPC) and the Igbo Question Movement (IQM), on the one manus, the solution is non in secession but instituting 'true federalism' as a national stabilising gene and enabling situation for Igbo socio-political growth.

On the other mitt, there are some Igbo people who want nothing less than outright independence from Nigeria. At the forefront of this desire are two prominent associations. The first 1 is the Movement for the Sovereign Land of Biafra (MASSOB), which was established afterwards Nigeria'south return to democratic dominion in 1999 past Chief Ralph Uwazuruike, who holds degrees in Political Scientific discipline from Punjab University, Republic of india and Law from Bombay Academy, India. Later on on, another group, with the same calendar, known as Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) emerged in 2012. The leader of this group is Nnamdi Kanu, a British Nigerian. It is an international organisation that unites many Igbo communities, particularly on the issue of seceding from the Nigerian state. Although the two groups had said their campaign was non-fierce, their protestations and sit down-at-domicile in Igboland at dissimilar times, have degenerated to fierce clashes with the Nigerian armed forces and wanton destruction of lives, properties, economic activities and massive displacement of people (Ibeanu et al. 2016). Hence, on Fri, September 15, 2017, the Nigeria armed forces declared IPOB a 'militant terrorist system' and, similarly, the South-East Governors forum, comprising of the 5 states of the region, proscribed the activities of the IPOB, to stop the rising tension in the zone (Chime-Nganya, Ezeji & Ezegwu 2017).

In view of the in a higher place-mentioned state of affairs, this written report looks at the declared marginalisation of the Igbo people since the cease of the war in 1970. It studies and brings to fore the communal resilience of the people to improve themselves and their land despite the declared marginalisation. It examines the consequences of the recurrent agitations for Biafra and argues that Igbo people tin can notwithstanding use their communal organisation to champion their cause against all odds instead of secession. Igbo communal spirit will strive in Nigeria, where rule of police is enthroned. Instead of secession, what Igbo people need to arouse for is greater political, economic and social inclusion in Nigeria. Igbo secession from Nigeria will limit their area of date and performance and could diminish their communal resilience as well.

This article adopts the qualitative phenomenological method past using straight observation, oral interviews, discussions and interactions with the interviewees and literatures.

Theoretical framework

This work examines the concept of cultural resilience and its relation to communal survival and empowerment of people in an unfriendly polity. Cultural resilience is defined every bit 'the employ of traditional life-ways to overcome the negative influences of oppression, corruption, poverty, violence, and discrimination' (Strand 2003:6). In other words, it considers how cultural background such as culture, cultural values, linguistic communication, customs, norms, helps individuals and communities to overcome adversities and realise themselves. According to Clauss-Ehlers (2010):

The notion of cultural resilience suggests that individuals and communities tin can bargain with and overcome adversity not merely based on private characteristics alone, only likewise from the support of larger sociocultural factors. (p. 6)

A culturally focused resilient adaptation is more than merely about well-being and development of a people. For Panter-Brick (2015) it goes beyond these, instead it has important moral, social and political dimensions. Information technology is almost dignity, social justice, respect and cocky-actualisation.

Cultural resilience is nurtured from childhood, when children begin to identify their socio-cultural group members through the sharing of cultural values, experiencing discriminations from other groups, developing defensive mechanism against these discriminations and protecting their group'due south involvement.

Post-war Igbo misfortunes in Nigeria

At the end of the Nigeria-Biafra War that raged between 1967 and 1970, Igbo people as defeated people incurred huge loss in all spheres of life and forced dorsum into the union membership of one Nigeria. Although the war ended on 'no victor, no beat out' verdict the clear indication that the people lost the war is obvious. An estimated iii one thousand thousand Igbo people died. About forty% of those killed were Igbo children, either by gunshot or through starvation (Pellissier 2015). Some women carried the burden of shame for seeing their children dice on their backs and their womanhood being assaulted by the rampaging victorious Nigerian army. The men folks were non left out in the shame of defeat as many who survived the war were frustrated for the residuum of their lives. The people were debased and their sense of dignity was trampled upon and so that somehow life seemed meaningless for those, who survived the war. There was no family that did not lose a person, had ane misfortune or the other. Those who survived the menace and brunt of the war were roundly devastated. There were many wounded and diseased people who needed medical attention that was lacking. In the words of Njoku (in Obi-Ani 2009) the people were:

Thoroughly demoralized, psychologically disoriented, materially impoverished and politically marooned. Their future appeared permanently fated. To exist Igbo became taboo, and some Igbo groups attempted to hide Igbo identity past disguising their Igbo name. (p. 7)

As well the human loss and its accompanying shame, the civil state of war destroyed landscape and infrastructures, thus leaving Igboland materially devastated. It put to a standstill whatsoever meaningful social and economic activity. Prior to the civil state of war, Igboland witnessed a great level of development. Information technology was the dwelling house of the kickoff university in Nigeria (Academy of Nigeria Nsukka). Its coal industry and its agricultural ventures were functioning. Healthcare delivery was also functional merely with the war everything was grounded. Even feats accomplished during the state of war like locally built petroleum refineries, Uli Airport, Ogbunigwe armoured car and other ingenuities were destroyed and never improved upon past the Nigerian government. Ezeani (2013), writing on this Igbo loss, stated that 'In Biafra Africa Died' because Igbo achievements during the war could take helped to develop the African continent.

The state of affairs of the Igbo people worsened with the immediate expatriation of Christian missionaries in the area after the war past the Federal Government of Nigeria. This endangered the lives of many orphans and widows the missionaries catered for according to Mike (2019:oral interview). Unemployment level was so loftier and it was compounded by the fact that only 34 000 Igbo people were re-absorbed out of over one million unemployed people into the ceremonious service (Obi-Ani 2009). Igbo people also believed that some of the laws enacted after the war were fabricated to disenfranchise them in Nigeria, such as:

• The Public Officers (Special Provisions Prescript no. 46 of 1970): With the Decree many Igbo officers who participated in the civil war on the part of Biafra were summarily dismissed or compulsorily retired (Federal Ministry of Information 1971). This was confronting the earlier directive and assurance to the world by the Head of Country that all officers would be reabsorbed to their quondam positions before the escalation of hostilities.

• The Banking Obligation (Eastern States Decree): Banks in the Igbo region were made to pay all account owners a flat rate of xx pounds contained of what they deposited in the banks earlier the war.

• The Indigenisation Decree of 1972: With this constabulary, Nigerians were given an opportunity to become involved in the land's productive enterprises. Igbo people, considering of their post-war situation, feel they were non ready for such exercise and were alienated from the nation'southward economic system.

• Abandoned Property Policy: This policy of confiscating properties in the Rivers country by the state government was seen as an economical attack on Igbo people, who fled the state during the state of war.

• Igboland, which used to be one of the three major regions of the land, became the region with the least number of states of the six geopolitical zones in the federation.

Some Igbo people also meet their defeat every bit non simply political and economic but besides religious. According to Chika (2019:oral interview), the people waged the war with almost nothing. They trusted in their deities to vindicate them against injustices they suffered. This is in consonance with their belief in Ofo, the Igbo traditional symbol and principle of justice and truth (Ezeanya 1967). Unfortunately, the war the people termed Oguejiofo [the war of justice and truth] was lost. This created a religious vacuum and crisis of faith amidst the people. Whilst according to Ugwu (2014), this situation put to question the demise of the Igbo gods; for Chika (2019:oral interview) it speeded the process of religious pluralism in Igboland.

Methodology

The study adopts a qualitative phenomenological method in the sense that data were derived through a thorough desk-bound review of existing literature that addresses questions relating to the report. In addition, interviews were conducted targeting 18 Igbo indigenes (refer to Tabular array 1) who were purposefully sampled based on their knowledge of the subject matter, membership of some of the Igbo groups listed hither and positions in their towns. The age range of the interviewees was from 25 to lxxx years. This gave the opportunity of getting the views of those who saw the Biafra War and those who did non and are eager to take an independent Biafra country. The views and perspectives garnered from these interviews facilitated the refinement of the study's assumptions and provided prove to interrogate these assumptions. This study was carried out in the following Igbo towns: Oguta, Owerri, Mbaise, Nsukka, Umuahia and Awka. They cover four of the 5 Igbo states of the southeastern Nigeria. The thematic method of analysis was mostly used in analysing the qualitative data gathered in this study. A careful reading of the transcribed certificate was washed to generate a logical and understandable analysis.

TABLE 1

The socio-demographic information of participants (pseudonyms).

S. No.	Name of participant	Sex activity	Status	Age (in years) when interviewed	Location when interviewed
one	Mike	Chiliad	Retired civil servant	67	Oguta
2	Chika	M	Retired ceremonious servant	70	Oguta
3	Linda	M	Lawyer	45	Oguta
4	George	F	Farmer	lx	Nsukka
five	Anya	Chiliad	Cleric	55	Nsukka
6	Nkechi	F	Lecturer	52	Nsukka
7	Christian	K	Cleric	65	Awka
8	Approving	F	Unemployed academy graduate	25	Awka
ix	Pete	G	Youth leader	40	Awka
x	Esther	Chiliad	Politician	55	Umuahia
eleven	Ike	K	Youth leader	37	Umuahia
12	Chidera	Chiliad	Trader	66	Umuahia
13	Andrew	M	Politician	56	Mbaise
14	Meche	M	Ceremonious retainer	fifty	Mbaise
15	Onyi	F	Retired teacher	lxxx	Mbaise
16	Oke	F	Women leader/politician	62	Owerri
17	Okoroafor	M	Business man	70	Owerri
18	Ogbe	Thousand	Banker	48	Owerri

Data collection

The principal technique for information collection was the key informant interview. This was carried out through face-to-face interviews with informants in Oguta, Owerri, Mbaise, Nsukka, Umuahia and Awka. These areas comprise important parts in Igboland as seen in Figure 1 (Map of Igboland in Nigeria). The interviews were conducted in English with informants' permission.

Map of Igboland in Nigeria.

Findings

Every bit part of the methodology, individuals were interviewed and focus group discussions were held using unstructured interview questions. The salient points that were raised during these sessions are:

Igbo people are marginalised and victimised in Nigeria in unlike means

All the people, who were interviewed privately or participated in focus group discussion, were in agreement that Igbo people are marginalised and victimised in Nigeria. They gave different reasons for this dismal situation. Some of the reasons are the perceived Igbo masterminding of the first military coup that saw many prominent northern politicians being killed (Linda, Ogbe & Andrew 2019:oral interview). Some participants argued that the Nigeria-Biafra War, which the Igbo people lost pitched them against all the other parts of the country (Esther et al. 2019:oral interview). Others maintained that Igbo people are naturally loud, audacious and proud people, and this does not go well with other ethnic groups in Nigeria (Ogbe et al. 2019:oral interview).

All the participants maintained that Igbo marginalisation became obvious immediately after the war

According to them, Igbo people after the war were dispossessed and subjugated to all kinds of dehumanisation. What remained of the people was their life, which they buttressed in these Igbo names: Ndubuisi [life is supreme], Ndukuba/Ndukaku [life is more precious than wealth], Ndudi [with life there is hope], Ndubueze [life is king], Nduma [life knows all], Ndulaka [life decides all], Ndubuizu [life is all] and many others. Property onto life, Igbo people started the journey of their survival with the full assurance that considering God has kept them alive, He would sustain them because Chibundu [God is life], Chinwendu [God owns life], Chilendu [God is life's provider] and Chikwendu [God wills life].

Igbo people have not really tackled the problem of their marginalisation well

Some people argued that the call for secession is not favourable to the Igbo crusade (Mike et al. 2019:oral interview 2019). Some others believe that Igbo people have failed to align with the mainstream ethnic groups in Nigeria as they want to be lonely (Andrew et al. 2019:oral interview). In general, they believe that Igbo people have not performed well to solve this trouble.

Violent protests and agitation have helped to impoverish Igboland

The frequent demonstrations by pro-Biafra activists and their clashes with security agencies, according to most of the interviewees take adversely affected economic activities in Igboland. In some cases, the few infrastructures in Igboland accept been destroyed or rendered non-functional. They further stated that the situation discourages investment in the geo-political zone as investors are wary of the situation.

Igbo attitude and lifestyle as contributing factors

Some of the interviewees mentioned that Igbo people'south lifestyle and attitudes, which includes pride, financial smartness and loudness have led to other ethnic groups' mistrust of Igbo people (George et al. 2019:oral interview). They accuse them of over-domineering.

Internal division and backbiting amongst Igbo political class

Because of the perceived marginalisation of the Igbo people, some of the interviewees pointed out that Igbo people are near undoing themselves with the intention of appearing as loyalists to other ethnic groups (Ike et al. 2019:oral interview). The quest to be accepted among the political course has led to internal partitioning and lack of communal commitment amongst the Igbo political class.

Igbo people are naturally resilient

All the interviewees agreed that Igbo people are naturally resilient considering of their communal arrangement, which helps them to stand out confronting all odds and challenges. The full general understanding on this is non without variations. The different perspectives to this affirmation are:

Igbo communal system is deeply rooted in their traditional cultures and values

Igbo communal spirit is inherent in Igbo people (Onyi et al. 2019:oral interview), for this, Nwosu (2014:379) opined that: 'some commentators who are familiar with institutionalized monarchy depict the indigenous Igbo polity as "incomprehensible"'. It is non cyclical with a communist tincture. It does not crave equity and equality in all facets of human life considering personal aspirations beyond the confines of the communal cycle are adequate and not seen as unworthy ventures. Every Igbo person has a divine genius or double in him or her – a personal god Chi, which helps the person achieve success in life. Co-ordinate to Okeke, Ibenwa and Okeke (2017):

The essential function of Chi concept is seen in the Igbo maxim, which says Onye kwe, chi ya ekwe (when 1 says yes, his personal god says yes) … Chi is a force in Igbo social behavior, which is characterized by an attitude of human being; every being is the builder of his own fortune. In spite of the fact that the Igbo believe that the individual is the maker of his own fortune, they besides believe in predestination, for they also agree that one's Chi refers to one's luck, which is associated with his destiny. (p. ii)

On the other hand, Igbo communal organisation is not lineal or pyramidic in form. The latter encourages survival of the 'fittest or winner takes all' mentality and exclusiveness at the peak; whilst the former encourages steel rooted dogmatic hierarchy without any possibility of modify in status quo. Igbo communal system, in contrary, tin best exist described as an inverted pyramid. Like the pointed base of an inverted pyramid, Igbo people's base is small just strong. The people'south claim of alliance or being a customs serves equally a strong bond or launching pad into life. The pointed base does not requite opportunity to any kind of domination amidst the people. No ane is short-changed or deprived of his or her aspiration in life. It is about excelling co-ordinate to i's abilities and Chi. For this, Igbo people have expressions such as Igbo enwe eze [Igbo people have no king], odibo feechaa eze eze ruo ya [a good servant can become the male monarch tomorrow], nwata kwuo aka osoro okenye rie nri [a hard working child dines with the elders], ebe onye oso ruru onye ije ga eru ya [with determination slow racers would still meet the fast ones at the end], egbe bere ugo bere [empathy – live and permit live].

The story of the Igbo slave boy Equiano (2007) clearly illustrates the Igbo determination and will ability to achieve success yet the circumstance. In his autobiography, Equiano gives credit to the widely held belief that Igbo resilience is nurtured from childhood. It is what every Igbo child imbibes past identifying and sharing Igbo cultural values. He writes about how he was kidnapped at the age of xi from his village in Igboland. Although he was destined for an important office in his customs, he did not allow his captivity to dampen this conventionalities or alter his identity, self-sensation and vocation to greatness. He had to work very hard to purchase his freedom at the age of 21, something that almost every slave undoubtedly dreamed of; he was no longer the property of another. He captured the cute moment of his transition from existence a slave boy to existence a free person in these words (Equiano 2007):

When I went in, I fabricated my obeisance to my master, and with my money in my mitt, and many fears in my eye, I prayed him to be equally good every bit his offering to me, when he was pleased to hope me my freedom equally soon as I could purchase it. This speech seemed to confound him, he began to recoil; and my heart that instant sunk inside me. 'What', said he, 'give you your freedom? Why, where did you get the money? Have yous forgot forty pounds sterling?' 'Yes, sir', I answered … Accordingly, he [his slave primary] signed the manumission that day; so that, before dark, I who had been a slave in the morn, trembling at the will of another, was became [sic] my own chief, and completely complimentary. I idea this was the happiest twenty-four hours I had ever experienced. (pp. 100–102)

This acquired freedom all the same; he had to confront bigotry and persecution as a complimentary black man. Life was never easy for him as a free blackness person but then he never gave upwardly and had to make the best out of his situation. He went on to write his autobiography and committed himself to the abolitionist crusade and published his Narrative.

Patently, Igbo communal system is antimonarchy. The people express this antimonarchy by saying that ezebuilo [a king is an enemy] and that Igbo enwe eze [Igbo people do not accept kings]. In fact, Igbo people are radical republicans or ultra-democratic in their social and political organisation. Sometimes, this is interpreted erroneously to mean that Igbo people are intensely individualistic. On the contrary, the idea of 'community' or 'communal value' is not only defective just is also meaningful to the Igbo people. In Igbo cultural setting, the customs is supreme. In fact, every Igbo person is an embodiment of his family and community. In the words of Ezekwonna (2005:204) 'he (the Igbo person) owes his existence to the past generation, the ancestors and his contemporaries. He remains without dubiousness part of the whole'. The community is a source of strength, greatness and success for the Igbo person. Hence, an private's success is seen as that of the community. The success of an individual does not extricate the private from the community considering the customs's approval is always necessary and sought for. Although the individual strives for personal glory, co-ordinate to Okeke (2006:32) such an individual must receive social recognition or else it is worthless. On the face level, Igbo people may seem individualistic and independent of the community, no Igbo person can feel fulfilled without the community.

Igbo inverted pyramid communal system is like a wake-upwards call for all the people. In this structure, no person, no hamlet or boondocks is left in the 'waking up'. It encourages hard work and healthy contest amid individuals and among communities. In the same vein, 'Igbo's business organization for hard piece of work and achievements tend to exit them with little patience for the lazy and for failure' (Oguejiofor in Ezekwonna 2005:102). For this, Igbo towns, families, groups and individuals do everything in their power to uplift themselves, especially those who are specially talented and dotted with special gifts. The logic is that their success would 1 day benefit the entire community. A articulate example is the story of Obi Okonkwo in No Longer At Ease. In this novel, Achebe (1987) narrated how the members of Umuofia Progressive Matrimony (UPU), Obi'due south kinsmen living in major Nigerian cities, together raised fund to transport him to England to written report law, in the promise that he volition return to help his people.

Igbo communities are known to engage in developmental projects in their different communities. According to Uchendu (1965):

[T]hither is no Igbo village today which cannot point with pride to a motor route, water points, a marketplace, a village school, a maternity center or a hamlet hall or even a combination of these as the result of their own efforts. (p. 36)

Some Igbo communities accept built schools, hospitals and post offices and handed over the same to relevant authorities for management. To convalesce the suffering of individuals and create bail amongst the people, Igbo communities such as Oguta and Akpodim in Imo state, Awgu in Enugu State, Mbutu Ngwa in Abia land and Ihiala in Anambra country have communal lands for farming and other activities.

• Igbo concept of Onyeaghala nwanne ya helped the Igbo people to grow together even in their adversity (Nkechi et al. 2019:oral interview). The aforesaid concept shows that extended family and customs are of utmost importance in Igboland. In Igboland, 'to exist' is to exist function of an extended family (nwanne – literarily pregnant female parent's kid i.e. sister or brother). Interestingly, mother here does not mean the biological mother just the earth goddess – Ala. Ala is the mother of all Igbo people, from her comes forth and returns the Igbo people. Without Ala, no Igbo person would always accomplish anything meaningful in the state because on her is the human person born into, walk, institute crops and cock a shelter. She is sacred and the eternal home of the Igbo people. It is where the ancestors return to and, for this, libation is poured on the country for them to partake in the people's life. Hence, nwanne equally extended family member does not hateful that the Igbo people resemble i another, speak the same language, behave in the same fashion merely simply are offspring of the same Ala. They share mutual fate and feel as a people. For this, Igbo people wherever they see themselves, especially in foreign lands, where they are likely to exist vulnerable and faraway from Ala's protection meet themselves as nwanne [brethren].

• Ahamefuna is another concept that portrays Igbo communal life (Ike et al. 2019:oral interview). For Iheanacho (2016)

  Ahamefuna theory is anchored on the Igbo belief that their names should not be erased from the kindred or hamlet because of inability to produce a male upshot to proceed one'due south ain lineage. (p. 105)

Parents give their wards this proper noun as a prayerful wish over them to procreate and promote their lineage. This is a great source of motivation for Igbo people in their daily endeavours. Equally a concept, Ahamefuna reminds Igbo people of their origin, identity and communal expectations:

• The principle of Igwebuike is of import in the resilient communal spirit of the Igbo people (Anya, Nkechi & Okoro 2019:oral interview). Literarily it means 'Group/Community is strength' but could hands exist translated every bit communal forcefulness or collaboration and unity is supreme. The principle has and then much in common with other Igbo concepts such as Nwanne and Umunna. According to Iroegbu (Kanu 2015) this communal force is characterised by a common origin, common globe view, common linguistic communication, shared culture, shared race, colour and habits, common historical experience and a common destiny. Whilst for Kanu (2015) Igwebuike is the central factor in Igbo hospitality, friendship, honesty, solidarity, working together, respect for elders and life. Igbo communal success is hinged on Igwebuike because with it the customs can surmount any difficulty. Here, community for the Igbo people includes local gods, ancestors, the living and fifty-fifty the unborn members (Ezekwonna 2005) and all have roles to play in the development of the community. The gods provide good health, enabling surround and blessings for whatsoever project to succeed in Igboland. The ancestors are responsible for protecting their wards from the menace of evil spirits, unseen enemies and the maintenance of intra family unit peace. Information technology is only when these are in place that human efforts become meaningful. For this, Igbo people say that Chi onye na edu ya [Ane'south personal god guides i].

• The conventionalities in Ikenga as motivational (George & Mike 2019:oral interview) Igbo people's belief in Ikenga, the symbol of Igbo philosophy of industry and strength, success in trade, state of war, hunting and farming (Ezeani 2013; Talbot 1926) is considered ane of the factors that influences Igbo resilience. According to Ihediwa (2014):

This forcefulness is reputed to have mediated in the affairs of men and assists its owners to achieve success in their chosen endeavours … The possession of Ikenga depicts high condition, accomplishment, wealth and integrity in the society. However, it is mostly owned by warriors and great men; but individuals aspiring for upwardly mobility in life and the poor also could ain it and look upon it for breakthrough in life. (p. 6)

Spiritual offerings were fabricated to activate the potency of the Ikenga in people's life. True or faux, the psychological motivation and spiritual blessings derived from this belief worked for the people.

The belief in Ikenga includes not accepting defeat. Notwithstanding the outcome of the Biafran State of war, Igbo people do non see themselves as state of war losers. They feel themselves proud fighters because the war 'brought out the best in the Igbos (sic) endurance, creativity, adaptability, indomitable will to exist, sense of solidarity, sense of common cause, collaboration and vigilance' (Uwalaka 2003:16). Whatsoever happened was simply their destiny, which Opata (1998:165–166) captured very well in these words: 'The immediate post war years in Igbo country constitute many young boys and girls all of a sudden resorting to this epithet: o so one thousand?' Literally, this translates to: 'does it follow me?' In bodily sense, what the argument means is: 'is it my fault' or 'am I responsible for information technology?' With this kind of mental attitude, it was quite easy for the people to begin afresh knowing very well that the defeat of the war was not their error. In fact, so many things worked against the emerging Biafra country. Local and international conspiracies were the worst culprits. In the words of Ezeani (2013:55): 'Britain and its allies opted to back up the Nigerian side of the disharmonize instead of the Biafra side, not minding which side was the assaulter and which the aggrieved'.

The belief in Ikenga psychologically boosted Igbo people to take risks and resist oppression. It reinforces the Igbo attitude to piece of work that aka aja-aja na ebute onu manu manu [only a soiled hand tin can guarantee nutrient]. In this fashion, Igbo people are always seeking for novelty and autonomy as requisites for survival in Nigeria. According to Okeke (2006) information technology makes Igbo people to feel equal with some people and superior to others but never junior to any person. For Iwara, Amaechi and Netshandama (2019):

Their competitiveness and enterprising skills fabricated them migrate in droves away from their cultural enclave in southeastern Nigeria, to other parts of Nigeria and across, where they accept created and established different lines of enterprises. (p. 229)

Olutayo (1999), may not be aware that he was pointing to the Igbo people's belief in Ikenga as a source of their resilience, when he affirmed that:

I major and unique trait of the Igbo entrepreneur is the courage, perseverance, and determination with which they conduct on in spite of the bad experiences and losses during the Nigerian ceremonious war from 1967 to 1970. This … is at the centre of the apprentice organisation which 'brings an ethic of denial, hardship and subject area' gathered through trading experience which is itself risk-decumbent. With petty or no authorities assistance, the Igbo have moved from trade to industry since the end of the civil war. About of these new industrialists possessed elementary didactics, apprenticeship, and trading experiences before they undertook their industrial venture. (p. 164)

The resilient spirit of the Igbo people, according to Abaribe (2017) guaranteed that within a brusk fourth dimension later on the war, almost all the important markets in Lagos state, as in other states of the federation, were in the hands of the Igbo people. The combined turnover daily of these markets run into billions of naira daily.

Igbo women'due south participation

The traditional role of women in Igboland inverse during and later the state of war showcasing their fair share of the resilient Igbo communal spirit (Okoro, Nkechi & Anya 2019:oral interview). Before the war, Igbo women were more often than not bars to domestic affairs of training their children and looking after the compound, doing petty trading and farming, pottery making, spinning, weaving, handbasket work and grass plaiting. Simply with the war, this changed. During the state of war, some Igbo women joined the Biafran Regular army equally cooks, nurses, spies and some traded in contraband appurtenances across the warfronts to make ends meet. I of those interviewed, Approving (2019:oral interview) interpreted information technology equally the reawakening of the spirit of the Aba Women'due south Riot of 1929 confronting British oppression of Igbo women. This spirit fabricated Igbo women to stand up up against the social, political and economic oppression faced after the Biafra War. Igbo women became more than adventurous like their men analogue and engaged in all kinds of businesses to aid their families and community. Today, they are known to organise themselves every bit Umu Ada [Daughters] and Ndi Inyom [Wives] for developmental purposes in Igboland. Their annual Baronial Meetings are geared towards the same purpose.

Communal competition

One of the factors that aids Igbo resilient communal spirit is inter-communal competition (Linda et al. 2019 :oral interview). As the private derives his or her identity from the community, in Igboland, communal success overrides individual success. In view of this, individuals work hard to bring to limelight their communities and make them the envy of others. In fact, equally soon every bit an Igbo person starts making coin, he or she is leap to wait homewards. The person wants the customs to recognise him or her and for the customs to do then, the person must take contributed meaningfully to the development of the community. This social responsibility has helped immensely in rebuilding the devastated Igboland. This is in line with what Nwafor-Ejelinma (2012) said:

The indomitable resilience of the Igbo identity became very manifest afterward the civil war. Towns and institutions that were maliciously destroyed or completely obliterated by vandals in Nigerian military uniforms during the civil war were quickly replaced with structures of ultra modern architectural finesse. Places like Onitsha, Ukpor, Ogidi, Awka, Enugu, Abakaliki, Owerri, Aba, Abagana, Umuahia, Nsukka, Port Harcourt, Okigwe, Aguleri, Asaba, Uguta [sic] just to mention a few that were badly hit, now look much better and as if zilch did ever happen. (p. 43)

This transformation is very remarkable that a British journalist, who visited the war-torn zones, Onitsha, Enugu, Aba, Owerri, Umuahia, 5 years after the war, precisely in 1975, said: 'Goose egg can surpass the resilient spirit of the Biafran people' (Nwafor-Ejelinma 2012:43):

• Profit without morality: Some of those interviewed, nearly 30%, affirmed that Igbo resilience as expert today is not e'er in line with cadre Igbo values (Anya et al. 2019:oral interview). They allege that because of the claim of marginalisation, some Igbo people exercise anything possible to survive. In a way, it has become for them a race for the fittest without morality. Unfortunately, this is in contrast to what Panter-Brick (2015) pointed out of the resilient cultural spirit. Such a spirit needs to turn a profit not merely well-being and evolution but too social justice, respect and self-actualisation.

• Suggestions: Amidst the major suggestions on the way forward for the Igbo people by those interviewed are the need for Igbo people to be witting of their resilient nature and thus, put a resilient structure that would help them participate equally equal partners in the Nigeria polity (Andrew, Ogbe & Okafor 2019:oral interview). It was also suggested that if Igbo people are to seek independence from the country and so it must be washed in a peaceful style like calling for referendum (Linda et al. 2019:oral interview). Some interviewees suggested that Igbo people render to their cadre cultural values and invest more in Igboland (Mike et al.). Only two interviewees suggested secession every bit the way forward for Igbo people (Ike & Pete 2019:oral interview).

The resilience of Igbo communal spirit subsequently the war

Even so the defeat suffered at war and the prevailing unjust state of affairs, Igbo people have not failed to contribute concretely and meaningfully to the Nigerian project. In spite of the challenges they face, they have fabricated enormous progress. They take risen from their subdued position to become ane of the nigh educated Nigerians; the largest group of domestic investors in the state, the side by side largest group afterwards the ethnic population in all parts of Nigeria and the richest and largest pool of Nigerian diaspora population (Abaribe 2017). These achievements can be attributed to Igbo people's communal spirit. This survival spirit energises the quest to exist like others if not better than themselves. The communal spirit, which encourages everyone to give his or her best helped in Igbo people'southward path of recovery.

Co-ordinate to Linda (2019:oral interview): 'Igbo resilience is not usually violent or subversive except when they are pushed beyond their limits'. Information technology is built on a great sense of self-worth and pride, which the people express in the adage:

[O]nye ajuru anaghi aju onwe ya (a rejected person does not reject himself or herself), they inappreciably accept defeat even if it takes many years to show it. They will always look for alternatives to prove their worth.

This understanding could explain what happened in Igbo Landing, a historic site at Dunbar Creek on St. Simons Island, Glynn Canton, Georgia. Boakye (2018) narrated the story in this way:

Historians say Igbo captives from modernistic-day Nigeria, purchased for an average of $100 each by slave merchants John Couper and Thomas Spalding, arrived in Savannah, Georgia, on the slave transport the Wanderer in 1803 … The Igbo were known by planters and slave owners of the American South to be fiercely independent and more resistant to chattel slavery. According to Professor Terri L. Snyder, 'the enslaved cargo "suffered much by mismanagement," "rose" from their confinement in the minor vessel, and revolted against the crew, forcing them into the water where they drowned'. Led past their main, the Africans then marched ashore, singing. At their main's direction, they walked into the marshy waters of Dunbar Creek, committing mass suicide. (n.p.)

Linda (2019:oral interview) farther said that many Igbo people because of their desire to climb the social ladder and not bemoan their fate in self-compassion had to drift to other African countries such as Republic of cote d'ivoire, Gabon, Cameroun and Togo and afterwards to the western world in groups in search of greener pastures. Although, information technology has never been piece of cake for them both at home and diaspora, Igbo people accept continued to distinguish themselves in different fields of homo endeavours, besides the few of them, who indulge in fraudulent ways to survive.

The desire to be respected and accorded special position in the scala pyramida played a smashing role in repositioning Igbo people after the Biafra War. No family or person wanted to exist left behind. Most people knew that remaining focused and working hard were the only options left for them after the decimation of the war. In view of this, they did all they could to succeed.

In Igbo civilization, title-taking and exhorted positions are caused and not given freely. According to Onyeozili and Ebbe (2012:31), 'The Igbo respected and honor achieved condition more than ascribed status. Private achievements make up one's mind a person's social position in his community'. These titles and positions are determinants of how industrious and successful a person is in life. They bear witness that one is disciplined, mature, responsible and capable of helping others. As it is a legitimate aspiration for an Igbo person to climb the social ladder, the civilisation of difficult work and field of study is in a manner inculcated. According to Ezekwonna (2005), the underlying factor to this is not greed or avarice but eschatological. This is because (Ikenga-Metuh 1985):

They [Igbo people] accept the conventionalities that this world is a carbon copy of the invisible world. That is to say that all the acquired fame and status volition exist taken along to the next life … information technology is role of condition for one to be accepted as an antecedent in the hereafter. (p. 100)

Furthermore, because Igbo people are conscious of their identify in the inverted pyramid, kind of communal life and its eschatological implication (Onyeozili & Ebbe 2012):

[T]hey are very believing and proud of their achievements, and they raise their children not to neglect in life. In issue, the Igbo cloth culture is engulfed in ingenuity and creativity. (p. 31)

Igbo people'south communal resilient spirit flourished with the systemic silence on the state of war in national dialogue and schools. According to Ejiogu (2013):

Biafra, and the tragedy it represents for humankind, is compounded by the official code of silence that Nigeria'southward armed services decreed in the 1970s to ensure that the Biafra–Nigeria war is not taught in schools in Nigeria. (p. 741)

The Nigerian authorities lost the opportunity to inculcate nationalism and reintegration of the Igbo people by banning discussions and teaching of the state of war history in schools. According to Maiangwa (2016):

There are 'no cemeteries, no graves marked, nor monuments – not even lists of the fallen'. The lack of public remembrance of the victims of the Nigeria-Biafra war may partly be owing to the fact that there was no actual transition and reconciliation in the aftermath of the war. The government'south 'no victors, no vanquished' policy of reconciliation but served to heighten suspicion of its lack of readiness to address the memory and trauma of the war. As a result of the suppressed memory of the war, many Igbos [sic] and easterners have been left with a deep sense of injustice. (pp. 53–54)

This systemic silence made Igbo people to deal with the war's raw feelings in their own way. They narrated the story in their own way to their wards. In fact, what Igbo children heard after the war was more of the bravery, sacrifice and ingenuity of their parents. An example of such narration is (Harnischfeger 2011):

'We survived three years of blockade […]. Nosotros were able to build our own rockets hitting their targets with precision. We had our means of getting things done. We refined petrol and restriction fluids from coconut'. 'Since then, no other Blackness race has washed it. […] During the time, our own airport was the busiest night airport on the continent of Africa. Nosotros did information technology. […] The range of our circulate was fabulous. Practically, the whole continent of Africa was hearing the Voice of Biafra. And it came from the dorsum of a lorry. […] the great matter most Biafra was that everybody was working for everybody else. That was a slap-up affair. At that place was no stealing'. (p. 101)

Other stories include the all-conquering ogbunigwe and the capsized Nigerian army gun boats in Oguta Lake. These stories make Igbo people, especially those born after the war, to see the war every bit a mark of patriotism to Igboland and every bit a lost opportunity for freedom and evolution. For them, it is a worthy venture to cue into their parents' sacrifice for Igboland. This explains their attraction to MASSOB and IPOB. This state of affairs has helped to promote Igbo nationalism and not patriotism to Nigeria.

The alleged Igbo people's placement of economic activities above other human being endeavours is not without a crusade. Their unimaginable suffering, during and after the war, helped the people to rediscover themselves, their limitation and position in the country. They realised that they could not compete favourably with other ethnic groups in the country in terms of politics, infrastructures and agronomics because of their depleted population, devastated country and perceived injustice to them. To make ends meet, they imbibed the philosophy that 'the economic activities of a people stimulate evolution, which, in turn, affects every aspect of a customs, such as the history, politics, legal system, religions and others' (Nwosu 2014:157). Based on this, Igbo people are alleged to view reality from an economical standpoint.

Upstanding considerations

This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.

Word

Even though the war has formally ended, Igbo people, according to Uwalaka (2003), withal experience vanquished. All over the country, in that location are signs of a country contesting with the effects of the war. In the words of Adujie (2011):

The events which precipitated and led to the Nigerian Civil War, the war itself and its aftermath have shaped and continue to shape the economic and political evolution of Nigeria. These events and the lingering ill-volition, have poisoned relationships between various regions, religions and indigenous groups in Nigeria. These events have boggling adverse effects which have and proceed to stunt and stymy Nigeria. (n.p.)

Only the unnerving cries are coming more than from Igboland. The people are under great pains. There appears to accept been more insidious, more perfidious, more destructive and unsafe 'war' against them – the state of war of marginalisation and exclusion in the economical, bureaucratic, structural and political space of the country. This makes it difficult for the people to actualise their dreams and potentials to the fullest. They are made to feel impotent and disinherited in Nigerian affairs.

Since after the Biafra War, Igbo people take suffered more than structural injustice than any other part of the country. Igbo people accept been systematically edged out from the armed forces hierarchy, civil service and core infrastructures. In the words of Ekwueme, old vice president of Nigeria (Uwalaka 2003):

The inequalities and injustices of states exercised by successive Nigerian governments have resulted in gross Igbo under representation in all federal institutions because of federal graphic symbol principle based on equality of states … Igbo emasculation has come from population manipulation, boundaries adjustment and gerrymandering in the delineation of federal constituencies in the politics of 1970–1979 and 1983 to 1999. (p. 21)

In the present impunity, Onwubiko (2017) captured Igbo marginalisation in this form:

Buhari had made over 100 height level appointments and the North have taken over 80% of these slots including almost xc% of all the meridian 30 appointments into the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). The President has left out the Igbo speaking population of Nigeria in all of these major appointments. (p. ane)

The attitude of the authorities does not only disenfranchise Igbo people from the affairs of the country, it sends bad signal to them that the war has not really concluded.

In conjunction with the given give-and-take, Baiyewu (2017) noted that Ekweremadu, a former deputy senate president maintains that:

[T]he worst disadvantages suffered past Igbo people are not only those imposed by structural imbalances, such as fewer number of states and local governments or the lesser acquirement accruals, political representation, federal employments and political appointments, arising from the imbalances and wilful [sic] injustice. The greatest marginalisation and disadvantage suffered past Igbo people is the wilful [sic] dissembling and discarding of true federalism, which the founding fathers of Nigeria adopted, in order to live together as i nation in which no one is oppressed and every component office is able to thrive. This awkward form of federalism (referring to present configuration) has boxed Igbo people to a tight corner and caged their potentials and ingenuity. (p. i)

The statements from Ekwueme and Ekweremadu cannot be dismissed hands as both have held high positions in the Nigerian government. The Igbo have been weakened to the point that no matter how difficult they endeavor they are leap to fail. No affair how difficult they try to bridge the gap between them and others, the gap is not diminishing instead a great gulf appears steadily and keeps widening. The Nigerian structure does non allow Igbo people to live out fully their communal life and reach the highest benefit from information technology. Again, it is not their fault (o so m?).

More than anything else, the worst hit in this ugly situation is Igbo ideals and principles, which are bastardised. The bodily country of things in Nigeria has made some Igbo people to jettison their identity and cultural values and appoint in nefarious activities in gild to survive. Some Igbo youths are living with the euphoria of having their ain country and thus have stopped living as Nigerian citizens. The situation has become so bad that Nwankwo (2000) stated that 'the fate of Ndigbo (sic, aforementioned equally Igbo people) has gone beyond marginalization and entered the dangerous state of breach and exclusion'. Based on this, Igbo people need to re-strategise using their resilient communal spirit.

The way frontward

From the postal service-war experience of Igbo people, information technology is clear that the Reconciliation, Reconstruction and Reintegration promised them are utopic. This, unfortunately, has aggravated the Igbo quest for an independent nation. No affair how legitimate this ambition may be, information technology is proficient to point out that Igbo people have invested then much in the Nigerian polity for them to extricate themselves from it. From the suggestions of those who were interviewed, it is obvious that what Igbo people demand most is a change of attitude and not that of a country. They are to engage themselves in the polity equally true Igbo people, who are conscious of their identity and cultural values of respect for life and human dignity, promotion of respectable togetherness, hospitality and sense of being sacred. They are to be truly themselves by and then doing they give their best. Igbo communal interest is to be at the ground of all their engagements. They can simply be their own messiah by working together as depicted in Igbo ideology, onye aghala nwanne ya [no one is to exist left behind].

Igbo identity and ideology are to be revitalised equally stimuli for Igbo consciousness because 'the mainstream of Igbo identity and personality was destroyed past the Biafran war' (Harnischfeger 2011:100). The ways to this is for Igbo people to fathom what it means to be an Igbo person in the Nigerian context today. To imbibe the spirit of Igwebuike [community is strength], Igbo communal spirit that has always worked for the people in all spheres of their life. Whenever Igbo people come up together, they take always remained the envy of others. The reverse is the case as axiomatic today. Although Igbo people are highly successful individuals, they cannot create much bear on on the Igbo people considering they are not working together.

Igbo communal identity does not negate personal identity or interest but aligns it to the adequate communal principles, which guides Igbo communal identity and interests. Amongst these principles are ezi afa ka ego [good proper noun and dignity are worth more wealth], kama m ga-eri dachie uzo ka m gbara onu [contentment], ezi okwu bu ndu [Truth is life – integrity] and ome mgbe oji ka onye ohi mma [subject area and honor]. With this, Igbo people would come to realise that 'what unites the Igbo nation is not just a unique experience of suffering, but also a unique mission' (Harnischfeger 2011:105). Igbo communal spirit is a mission that Igbo youths demand to imbibe and exhibit in Nigeria. They are to refrain from violence and subversive tendencies and make Igboland a heaven of peace for investors.

Although Igbo marginalisation and exclusion from Nigerian affairs is despicable and detestable, secession may non exist the style frontward. This is because Igbo people, with their resilience spirit, are everywhere in Nigeria making them truly Nigerians. More than than secession, Biafra is to serve as an ideology for Igbo people everywhere in Nigeria against any form of marginalisation, oppression and suppression. Biafra would correspond the sanctity of life and equal opportunity for all. Biafran credo is to serve Igbo involvement and commonage reminder of Igbo principles of Ozoemena [allow it not happen over again] and Echezona [Allow's no one forget]. In this fashion, Igbo people would make themselves relevant in a country that is lacerated with injustice and devoid of dominion of law. They would help in building a new Nigeria that would accommodate all and sundry contained of linguistic communication, religion and indigenous grouping. In fact, what Igbo people and the unabridged Nigerian people need is a restructured country.

Igbo resilient communal spirit would truly make sense if Igbo people start looking homeward and invest in Igboland. As Igboland will e'er remain the homeland of Igbo people, it deserves all the attention it tin can get from Igbo people. This is in line with Igbo affirmation that aku ruo ulo okwuo onye kpara ya [when wealth is brought home, it speaks for itself]. This would help to change the tide, which Olutayo (1999) stated in this mode:

Since the avenue available for mobility within the Igbo political economy is external to its social structure, information technology more or less became inevitable for the Igbo to migrate outside their communities. From in that location they engage in all sorts of activities, especially trade, in order to achieve the aim of survival and status mobility. (p. 165)

Igbo people tin survive in Igboland and achieve their Biafran ideology in Igboland, if they invest more than in Igboland.

Conclusion

In this article, it has been highlighted that Igbo people are marginalised in the Nigerian polity and that the 3Rs, Reconciliation, Reconstruction and Reintegration, promised to the people of Igboland immediately later the state of war by the authorities have not been realised. Igbo people are facing a lot of challenges in the Nigerian polity, which has led to some of the people opting for secession even though they failed to achieve with the Nigeria-Biafra War. The principal contention presented in this article is that even though Igbo people are not having information technology easy in the nowadays Nigerian structure, Igbo people have performed well for themselves through their communal resilient spirit. Igbo people take made remarkable achievements in post-war Nigeria through their communal resilience. These achievements have already gear up them apart. Hence, instead of seeking for an independent country from Nigeria, the commodity contends that Igbo people should be mindful of their resilient communal spirit and put it into exercise in all spheres of their life. This would brand them more relevant in the state'southward affairs than they are currently and if they communally work together, they would accomplish more than than they have accomplished in the past. The quest for an independent country may limit Igbo people's area of engagement, especially equally the world turns to a global village.

Acknowledgements

Competing interests

The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.

Authors' contributions

Fifty.O., C.T.North. and F.U. contributed to the design and implementation of the research, to the analysis of the results and to the writing of the manuscript.

Funding data

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-turn a profit sectors.

Data availability

Data sharing is non applicable to this article as no new information were created or analysed in this study.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of whatsoever affiliated agency of the authors.

Footnotes

How to cite this article: Okwuosa, Fifty., Nwaoga, C.T. & Uroko, F., 2021, 'The postal service-war era in Nigeria and the resilience of Igbo communal system', Jàmbá: Journal of Disaster Risk Studies xiii(1), a867. https://doi.org/10.4102/jamba.v13i1.867

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8063533/